The Boston Bombings Gave Americans a Taste of the Terrorism the U.S. Inflicts Abroad Every Day
by NOAM CHOMSKY
http://www.
May 03, 2013 "Information Clearing House" -"AlterNet" - April is
usually a cheerful month in New England, with the first signs of
spring, and the harsh winter at last receding. Not this year.
There are few in Boston who were not touched in some way by the
marathon bombings on April 15 and the tense week that followed.
Several friends of mine were at the finish line when the bombs went
off. Others live close to where Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, the second suspect,
was captured. The young police officer Sean Collier was murdered right
outside my office building.
It's rare for privileged Westerners to see, graphically, what many
others experience daily - for example, in a remote village in Yemen,
the same week as the marathon bombings.
On April 23, Yemeni activist and journalist Farea Al-Muslimi, who had
studied at an American high school, testified before a US Senate
committee that right after the marathon bombings, a drone strike in
his home village in Yemen killed its target.
The strike terrorized the villagers, turning them into enemies of the
United States - something that years of jihadi propaganda had failed
to accomplish.
His neighbors had admired the US, Al-Muslimi told the committee, but
"Now, however, when they think of America, they think of the fear they
feel at the drones over their heads. What radicals had previously
failed to achieve in my village, one drone strike accomplished in an
instant."
Rack up another triumph for President Obama's global assassination
program, which creates hatred of the United States and threats to its
citizens more rapidly than it kills people who are suspected of posing
a possible danger to us someday.
The target of the Yemeni village assassination, which was carried out
to induce maximum terror in the population, was well-known and could
easily have been apprehended, Al-Muslimi said. This is another
familiar feature of the global terror operations.
There was no direct way to prevent the Boston murders. There are some
easy ways to prevent likely future ones: by not inciting them. That's
also true of another case of a suspect murdered, his body disposed of
without autopsy, when he could easily have been apprehended and
brought to trial: Osama bin Laden.
This murder too had consequences. To locate bin Laden, the CIA
launched a fraudulent vaccination campaign in a poor neighborhood,
then switched it, uncompleted, to a richer area where the suspect was
thought to be.
The CIA operation violated fundamental principles as old as the
Hippocratic oath. It also endangered health workers associated with a
polio vaccination program in Pakistan, several of whom were abducted
and killed, prompting the UN to withdraw its anti-polio team.
The CIA ruse also will lead to the deaths of unknown numbers of
Pakistanis who have been deprived of protection from polio because
they fear that foreign killers may still be exploiting vaccination
programs.
Columbia University health scientist Leslie Roberts estimated that
100,000 cases of polio may follow this incident; he told Scientific
American that "people would say this disease, this crippled child is
because the US was so crazy to get Osama bin Laden."
And they may choose to react, as aggrieved people sometimes do, in
ways that will cause their tormentors consternation and outrage.
Even more severe consequences were narrowly averted. The US Navy SEALs
were under orders to fight their way out if necessary. Pakistan has a
well-trained army, committed to defending the state. Had the invaders
been confronted, Washington would not have left them to their fate.
Rather, the full force of the US killing machine might have been used
to extricate them, quite possibly leading to nuclear war.
There is a long and highly instructive history showing the willingness
of state authorities to risk the fate of their populations, sometimes
severely, for the sake of their policy objectives, not least the most
powerful state in the world. We ignore it at our peril.
There is no need to ignore it right now. A remedy is investigative
reporter Jeremy Scahill's just-published Dirty Wars: The World Is a
Battleground.
In chilling detail, Scahill describes the effects on the ground of US
military operations, terror strikes from the air (drones), and the
exploits of the secret army of the executive branch, the Joint Special
Operations Command, which rapidly expanded under President George W.
Bush, then became a weapon of choice for President Obama.
We should bear in mind an astute observation by the author and
activist Fred Branfman, who almost single-handedly exposed the true
horrors of the US "secret wars" in Laos in the 1960s, and their
extensions beyond.
Considering today's JSOC-CIA-drones/killing machines, Branfman reminds
us about the Senate testimony in 1969 of Monteagle Stearns, US deputy
chief of mission in Laos from 1969 to 1972.
Asked why the US rapidly escalated its bombing after President Johnson
had ordered a halt over North Vietnam in November 1968, Stearns said,
"Well, we had all those planes sitting around and couldn't just let
them stay there with nothing to do." So we can use them to drive poor
peasants in remote villages of northern Laos into caves to survive,
even penetrating within the caves with our advanced technology.
JSOC and the drones are a self-generating terror machine that will
grow and expand, meanwhile creating new potential targets as they
sweep much of the world. And the executive won't want them just
"sitting around."
It wouldn't hurt to contemplate another slice of history, at the dawn
of the 20th century.
In his book Policing America's Empire: The United States, the
Philippines and the Rise of the Surveillance State, the historian
Alfred McCoy explores in depth the US pacification of the Philippines
after an invasion that killed hundreds of thousands through savagery
and torture.
The conquerors established a sophisticated surveillance and control
system, using the most advanced technology of the day to ensure
obedience, with consequences for the Philippines that reach to the
present.
And as McCoy demonstrates, it wasn't long before the successes found
their way home, where such methods were employed to control the
domestic population - in softer ways to be sure, but not very
attractive ones.
We can expect the same. The dangers of unexamined and unregulated
monopoly power, particularly in the state executive, are hardly news.
The right reaction is not passive acquiescence.
© 2012 The New York Times Company
http://www.
by NOAM CHOMSKY
http://www.
May 03, 2013 "Information Clearing House" -"AlterNet" - April is
usually a cheerful month in New England, with the first signs of
spring, and the harsh winter at last receding. Not this year.
There are few in Boston who were not touched in some way by the
marathon bombings on April 15 and the tense week that followed.
Several friends of mine were at the finish line when the bombs went
off. Others live close to where Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, the second suspect,
was captured. The young police officer Sean Collier was murdered right
outside my office building.
It's rare for privileged Westerners to see, graphically, what many
others experience daily - for example, in a remote village in Yemen,
the same week as the marathon bombings.
On April 23, Yemeni activist and journalist Farea Al-Muslimi, who had
studied at an American high school, testified before a US Senate
committee that right after the marathon bombings, a drone strike in
his home village in Yemen killed its target.
The strike terrorized the villagers, turning them into enemies of the
United States - something that years of jihadi propaganda had failed
to accomplish.
His neighbors had admired the US, Al-Muslimi told the committee, but
"Now, however, when they think of America, they think of the fear they
feel at the drones over their heads. What radicals had previously
failed to achieve in my village, one drone strike accomplished in an
instant."
Rack up another triumph for President Obama's global assassination
program, which creates hatred of the United States and threats to its
citizens more rapidly than it kills people who are suspected of posing
a possible danger to us someday.
The target of the Yemeni village assassination, which was carried out
to induce maximum terror in the population, was well-known and could
easily have been apprehended, Al-Muslimi said. This is another
familiar feature of the global terror operations.
There was no direct way to prevent the Boston murders. There are some
easy ways to prevent likely future ones: by not inciting them. That's
also true of another case of a suspect murdered, his body disposed of
without autopsy, when he could easily have been apprehended and
brought to trial: Osama bin Laden.
This murder too had consequences. To locate bin Laden, the CIA
launched a fraudulent vaccination campaign in a poor neighborhood,
then switched it, uncompleted, to a richer area where the suspect was
thought to be.
The CIA operation violated fundamental principles as old as the
Hippocratic oath. It also endangered health workers associated with a
polio vaccination program in Pakistan, several of whom were abducted
and killed, prompting the UN to withdraw its anti-polio team.
The CIA ruse also will lead to the deaths of unknown numbers of
Pakistanis who have been deprived of protection from polio because
they fear that foreign killers may still be exploiting vaccination
programs.
Columbia University health scientist Leslie Roberts estimated that
100,000 cases of polio may follow this incident; he told Scientific
American that "people would say this disease, this crippled child is
because the US was so crazy to get Osama bin Laden."
And they may choose to react, as aggrieved people sometimes do, in
ways that will cause their tormentors consternation and outrage.
Even more severe consequences were narrowly averted. The US Navy SEALs
were under orders to fight their way out if necessary. Pakistan has a
well-trained army, committed to defending the state. Had the invaders
been confronted, Washington would not have left them to their fate.
Rather, the full force of the US killing machine might have been used
to extricate them, quite possibly leading to nuclear war.
There is a long and highly instructive history showing the willingness
of state authorities to risk the fate of their populations, sometimes
severely, for the sake of their policy objectives, not least the most
powerful state in the world. We ignore it at our peril.
There is no need to ignore it right now. A remedy is investigative
reporter Jeremy Scahill's just-published Dirty Wars: The World Is a
Battleground.
In chilling detail, Scahill describes the effects on the ground of US
military operations, terror strikes from the air (drones), and the
exploits of the secret army of the executive branch, the Joint Special
Operations Command, which rapidly expanded under President George W.
Bush, then became a weapon of choice for President Obama.
We should bear in mind an astute observation by the author and
activist Fred Branfman, who almost single-handedly exposed the true
horrors of the US "secret wars" in Laos in the 1960s, and their
extensions beyond.
Considering today's JSOC-CIA-drones/killing machines, Branfman reminds
us about the Senate testimony in 1969 of Monteagle Stearns, US deputy
chief of mission in Laos from 1969 to 1972.
Asked why the US rapidly escalated its bombing after President Johnson
had ordered a halt over North Vietnam in November 1968, Stearns said,
"Well, we had all those planes sitting around and couldn't just let
them stay there with nothing to do." So we can use them to drive poor
peasants in remote villages of northern Laos into caves to survive,
even penetrating within the caves with our advanced technology.
JSOC and the drones are a self-generating terror machine that will
grow and expand, meanwhile creating new potential targets as they
sweep much of the world. And the executive won't want them just
"sitting around."
It wouldn't hurt to contemplate another slice of history, at the dawn
of the 20th century.
In his book Policing America's Empire: The United States, the
Philippines and the Rise of the Surveillance State, the historian
Alfred McCoy explores in depth the US pacification of the Philippines
after an invasion that killed hundreds of thousands through savagery
and torture.
The conquerors established a sophisticated surveillance and control
system, using the most advanced technology of the day to ensure
obedience, with consequences for the Philippines that reach to the
present.
And as McCoy demonstrates, it wasn't long before the successes found
their way home, where such methods were employed to control the
domestic population - in softer ways to be sure, but not very
attractive ones.
We can expect the same. The dangers of unexamined and unregulated
monopoly power, particularly in the state executive, are hardly news.
The right reaction is not passive acquiescence.
© 2012 The New York Times Company
http://www.
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